The century old cycle of insurrection and reform swings again towards unrest this decade, and two popular explanations define the political spectrum: some say less reform is desirable — reform breeds revolutionary ideals as the poor are raised above their station. Some say more reform is desirable — reform indeed prevents revolution by improving the lot of the poor.
O’Connel perceives an approaching end to the Whig government’s Age of Reform and launches the National Repeal Association in 1840. His supporters want to repeal the Acts of Union of 1801. When a banned meeting spells the end for the movement in 1843, the more radical members, journalists known as ‘Young Ireland’, push for violent confrontation, something O’Connel would never back. As Young Ireland publications usurp O’Connel’s momentum, natural disaster strikes.
The Irish population had reached 8 million, double the number over two generations ago. The diet of the poorer tenant farmers had narrowed to the highly nutritious potato and milk, contributing to greater health and lower infant mortality. Disaster struck in 1845, however, when ‘potato blight’ jeopardized what was a staple food for over one third the population.
The Great Famine
1845-1849
In September, 1845, the first signs of a fungus were discovered when, over the winter, the larger than normal crop began to rot. Corn was imported from America, but served only to lower local grain prices and raise resentment among Irish growers. The poor could not afford the corn, even at the lowered prices, and so public works were instituted by winter. The new conservative government attempted to repeal the ‘corn laws’ which, by reducing tariffs, would reduce food prices, but their government fell in the spring of 1846, and was replaced by an uncaring liberal Whig administration.
The potato crop of 1846 was a near complete failure. The Whigs refused further corn shipments, prices returned to higher levels, and the poor began to starve. Disease struck those who desperately ate raw seafood. Workhouses swelled and public works became a national hardship — the starving forced to work on un-needed roads and fences, outdoors in the horrible winter of 1846/47. Angering the impoverished most was that grain exports which, although half of their normal size, continued to leave Ireland, with no attempt by the British government to use them to feed Ireland. Food was still available at market, though at three times last year’s prices. In the spring of 1847, public works, already falling below starvation wages, were stopped altogether. With poor streaming into the remaining filthy and disease ridden workhouses, so began the year called Black ‘47.
To finance workhouses for the destitute, the British government put the burden onto the landlords, the rate payers, through the Poor Law Extension Act passed in the fall of 1847. Workhouses would be supported by the taxes paid by the owners based on their occupied lands. As rent-payers weren’t able to pay rent any longer, and land taxes were based on occupation and not rent, the method of choice to reduce tax was tenant eviction. And so the starving also became homeless.
With the generosity and humanitarian support shown by groups like the Quakers, the Government attitude eventually began to change. First they provided free soup kitchens feeding 3 million a day by summer 1847. This was seen to be too little, too late. In some cases, children were offered haven in mission schools in return for their re-education under Protestantism. Often, many refused soup because of these abuses, and as few as those abuses may have been, those who did take soup were called “soupers”, and the name remained in use for over a century.
Many landlords contributed to the aid of their tenants, but were often reduced to evicting them as their wealth was exhausted. Many were cruel and chose to shun the poor, but again, it is said that even if all had behaved well and generously, the burden would still surpass their combined efforts. Much responsibility for the tragedy falls on the British government. Some went as far as to call it genocide. Public sentiments of men in power, especially the man in charge of famine relief, Assistant to the Exchequer Charles Trevellian, supported this statement — many believed that the famine was a natural result of over population, and should be left to its own ends.
The Irish left their island in droves. First the richer landowners whose rents had gone unpaid but still could afford travel, and then the poor who may only have had enough to sail to England, Scotland and Wales, ventured off the island. Three hundred thousand left for the nearer British Isles in 1847, the most popular port being Liverpool. The fact that Britain was entering a recession made the reception only moderately better than staying at home. One hundred thousand went to Canada the same year, landing in the Maritimes and Grosse Ille, Quebec before passage to the hinterlands. Over a million went to the United States, landing mostly in New York City. Ocean voyages were long, at least six weeks in the cheaper sailing vessels, but the prospects after landing may have seemed worth the sickness continuing on the journey. In 1847, one in seven did not survive the crossing, about the same odds of surviving the famine.
It was the poor who suffered the most and died in Ireland. The pattern of land redistribution bears this out: those plots under 5 acres dropped to one third their pre-famine number, while those of 30 acres, or more, tripled in count. Much of the land left by the dead or emigrated was taken over for grazing livestock. One million had died, and one and a half million escaped during the late 1840’s.
The year 1848 was a particularly violent one in all of Europe with rebellions in Italy, Germany and Austria. France removes its monarch and becomes a republic. Hopes for a second French aided Irish revolt are quashed when the Young Ireland party is broken up in a skirmish, its leaders arrested. Support for an uprising is too hard won — the poor are reduced to subsistence and cannot fight.